Reference · Updated August 23, 2026
The Strait of Hormuz transit fee.
For the first time, crossing the Strait of Hormuz costs money paid to Iran. A waterway that carried roughly a quarter of the world’s seaborne oil as an open right of passage is now a permission, granted ship by ship and priced in the millions. Here is what is being charged, who collects it, and whether paying beats sailing around Africa.
Update · August 23, 2026
The Islamabad Memorandum, a 14-point framework signed June 17, 2026 by President Trump and Iranian President Pezeshkian and brokered by Pakistan, suspended the per-vessel toll regime described on this page for a 60-day window alongside a ceasefire extension and an end to the US naval blockade. The deal did not hold: within days the ceasefire frayed, Iran re-declared the strait closed, and the US and Iran resumed strikes, so the toll regime’s status is once again contested. In early July Iran attacked commercial ships in the strait, the United States answered with a bombing campaign and reimposed sanctions and its naval blockade, and President Trump declared the ceasefire over on July 8. Iran has retaliated against US bases in Jordan, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait and re-declared the strait closed until further notice, while an Oman-mediated corridor through Omani waters stays contested. In late July the war widened to a second chokepoint when Yemen's Houthis attacked two Saudi tankers in the Red Sea. A three-night pause in the strikes broke on July 28, when Iran's Revolutionary Guard fired ballistic missiles at US forces in Jordan, all intercepted per US Central Command; the United States answered with strikes on militia sites in Iraq and then a heavy overnight wave on Iran itself, which Iranian state media say killed a family of three on Qeshm Island. On July 30 a drone hit two LNG vessels at Egypt's Damietta port, the first time the war has touched Egypt; no one has claimed it and Iran denies involvement. Saudi Arabia announced a 14-country Maritime Defense Alliance for shipping routes. Oman is mediating, but Iran rejected its plan to manage the strait jointly under voluntary fees. Traffic has begun to return: a Qatari LNG tanker made the first such transit in nearly three weeks and analysts put throughput at roughly a third of pre-war levels at the end of July, against the 5% IMF PortWatch counted over that week. On August 1 two tankers were hit off Oman near the strait within hours of each other, one of them carrying natural gas, and Kuwait intercepted Iranian drones aimed at a US base. On August 2 President Trump called off a planned attack on Iran, saying Gulf leaders had asked him for a deal instead and that its outline was agreed, covering the immediate opening of the strait and an end to what he called Iran's nuclear threat, with talks to resume on August 3. Tehran denies it is negotiating with Washington at all, says its talks are with Oman over a temporary route, and says the strait will not go back to its pre-war state. Nothing has been signed, tankers were still being hit off Oman during the stand-down, and Brent fell about seven dollars over those two days to the low $80s. Tehran still calls the strait closed; the US military publicly rejects that, saying ships are still transiting. By August 5 Iran and Oman said their draft agreement was in its final stage, with the coordinates of a transit route through both countries' waters agreed and a joint statement being drafted, and President Trump said a deal could come within the week. It still needs Washington: Iran says the strait stays shut until the United States ends its blockade, the United States rules out any arrangement that cements Iranian control, and reports citing unnamed sources say the draft would require Gulf-bound ships to coordinate with Tehran. Yemen's Houthis meanwhile claimed an eighth attack on a Saudi tanker and a further ballistic-missile strike in the Gulf of Aden. On August 8 the United Arab Emirates said Iran had hit one of its ADNOC tankers with a missile inside the strait and accused Tehran of piracy, and a day later a Liberian-flagged tanker was struck with five Indian crew aboard. Iran has since put a price on reopening, passing Washington a list of conditions through its foreign minister, and the Revolutionary Guard says the strait stays shut until every one is met. On August 10 and 11 Iran set those conditions out in public, with sanctions relief and war reparations reported among them, its foreign ministry tied any reopening to the United States lifting its naval blockade, and Reuters reported the security council confirming the closure holds until Washington complies. Reports that the two sides are near a deal are single-source and Tehran-routed, and the market read the day the other way. US forces fired on a Panama-flagged ship running the blockade, per the Wall Street Journal, and the UK Maritime Trade Operations centre logged a further incident in the Gulf of Oman on August 11. Brent slipped below $80 on August 6, then climbed back above $89 as the deal hopes faded, trading near $88.60 on August 11. By mid-August the attacks had outrun the diplomacy: gCaptain reported two more tankers struck on August 14, the UAE said Iran hit another of its ADNOC vessels inside the strait on August 15, and the UK Maritime Trade Operations centre was notified of a projectile striking a bulk carrier. Washington vowed to cripple Iran's economy, President Trump said the strait would become US territory "pretty soon", and Iran's deputy foreign minister answered that it "has been Iranian, is Iranian, and will remain Iranian." Bloomberg reports Iran and Oman closing in on a deal on how the strait is run, with the route question largely agreed, but foreign minister Abbas Araghchi says reopening still depends on the United States upholding the June memorandum. Brent held near $88.50 on August 16. The International Maritime Organization put the number of seafarers stranded in the Gulf at roughly 6,000 in mid-July. The 60-day window for a deal expired on August 18 with nothing signed. President Trump had threatened on August 17 to bomb Oman if it impeded the talks, and Iran seized a UAE-owned tanker near Qeshm Island the same day. On August 18 the UK Maritime Trade Operations centre said a vessel was struck by a projectile leaving the strait, with reports differing on whether a crew member was injured or killed, and President Trump labelled a map of the strait "new US territory", which Tehran mocked as delusion. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said the strait will not reopen until Washington lifts its blockade, ends oil sanctions and releases frozen Iranian assets. Qatar said regional efforts are focused on reopening the waterway and reviving the June memorandum, and the Egyptian and Omani foreign ministers discussed the same. Brent crossed $90 as ceasefire hopes dimmed, trading near $91.20 on August 18. On August 19 and 20 President Trump called the blockade "extremely effective", said a lot of boats are coming through the strait and that harsher sanctions may follow, and repeated that no talks with Tehran are planned. Reuters found Hormuz shipping unchanged on the data, CNN reported tankers shifting to the Omani route, and gCaptain reported three Chinese tankers turning back inside the strait. Iran says it turned one back and still holds the UAE-owned tanker it seized on August 17, both Iranian accounts. Axios reported that the United States is quietly running a night-convoy tanker corridor through the southern strait moving about 10 million barrels a day, roughly half the pre-war flow; other outlets relay the account but it traces to that single newsroom. IMF PortWatch has now published through August 16: that week runs between one and eight crossings a day against a pre-crisis 73. Brent rose to $94.50 by midday on August 20. Since August 20 the pressure has shifted to economics: Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said the United States would unveil its toughest sanctions package on August 24 as a "one-two punch" with the blockade, the UAE is reported to be preparing its own phased restrictions on Iran, and Iran's central bank governor said counterparts report oil revenue fallen to zero. President Trump said on August 21 he views the strait as "an American territory right now". Iran's top security official Mohsen Rezaei said on August 22 that the strait stays closed until Washington corrects its behaviour and threatened countries that join the blockade, while the same day Iran granted a number of Iraqi oil tankers passage after Baghdad said it could not pay salaries, so Tehran restates closure while licensing named cargoes through it. Oman's foreign ministry said its foreign minister and Iran's Abbas Araghchi discussed the conditions for resuming dialogue by phone on August 21. CNN, reading UK Maritime Trade Operations figures, counted 103 vessels entering and 89 leaving over the week to August 22, about 20% of the pre-war average and a different count from PortWatch's daily crossings, and the US Energy Secretary said the Navy has helped move more than 15 million barrels out of the strait. A sanctioned shadow-fleet tanker was hijacked in the Gulf of Aden on August 20 and diverted toward Somalia, per UKMTO. Washington unveiled the sanctions campaign it calls "Economic D-Day" on August 24, and Iran blacklisted 45 tankers over its transit rules, threatening fines, detention and confiscation of cargo. A projectile disabled a Greek-owned tanker off Oman on August 25, the International Maritime Organization put the six-month toll at 68 incidents and 20 dead, and President Trump said the Navy had cleared every mine from the lane. On August 26 Iran's military said it had reached a revenue-sharing agreement with Oman on a temporary corridor, but that account comes from Tehran, Israeli outlets reported the same day that gaps remain and that Qatar has joined the mediation, and the Revolutionary Guard restated that the strait stays closed until Washington meets Iran's conditions. Nothing is signed. Brent fell to a two-week low of $86.59 on August 26. On August 27 and 28 the head of US Central Command declared the strait's shipping lanes cleared of Iranian mines, and a Kuwaiti tanker, the Al-Salam II, was struck by a projectile near Khasab the same day, per UKMTO, with a small fire put out and the crew safe. Qatar's prime minister met Iran's foreign minister in Tehran, Iran's top security official said Iran and Oman had agreed a temporary shipping corridor, an Iranian account Oman has not confirmed, and Tehran says it is preparing conditions for reopening while Washington says it is not talking to Iran. Spot earnings for the biggest crude tankers hit a record near $647,000 a day on August 28, transit reports counted five vessels through the strait against a ten-day average of fifteen, and Brent traded near $89.30. The lull broke overnight into August 31: US forces struck Revolutionary Guard rocket launchers on Larak Island, saying they were being readied to sow sea mines in the shipping lanes, the first US strike on Iranian forces in about a month, and Iran answered with missile attacks on US bases in Jordan and US assets in the UAE plus an unconfirmed claim of downing a US MQ-9 drone. The Guard's navy says a supertanker caught fire after striking two mines in the strait, days after US Central Command declared the lanes cleared; Lloyd's List reported a projectile strike, so the cause is contested. Brent jumped about 3% to near $91 by midday on August 31. The exchange ran into September 1: US Central Command said no ship has hit a mine in the strait, rejecting the Guard's account, President Trump said 30 ships a night are passing through, and US strikes continued against Iranian missile sites near the strait. On the evening of August 31 two supertankers carrying Saudi oil, the Bahri-operated Sidr and the Korean-operated Senegal Prosperity, were struck within minutes of each other leaving the strait, per Reuters, Lloyd's List and UKMTO. Transits stayed in single digits. By September 2 Bahri said two Filipino seafarers died aboard the Sidr, US strikes on Guard sites went on, with Axios reporting two Iranian government tankers among the targets, President Trump claimed "almost total control" of the strait, Iran said a US strike hit a wedding in Sirik, President Pezeshkian offered reciprocal steps if Washington returns to the June memorandum, and Peru cut ties with Iran. Kpler counted four vessels through on September 1. On September 2 and 3 President Trump floated renaming the strait after himself and then withdrew it, the Institute for the Study of War assessed that the US strikes have degraded Iran's mine-laying capacity, Iran's transit blacklist reached 56 vessels, and Mitsui O.S.K. Lines said it cannot see Hormuz operations resuming this year. From September 3 Iran fired missiles and drones at US bases in Kuwait and the UAE, Central Command said its strikes took in two ships, Kpler counted four transits on September 4, UKMTO put traffic about 90% below pre-conflict levels, and on September 5 Iranian state television said four US missiles hit a tanker off Kharg Island, a claim Central Command has not addressed. Brent settled at $96.28 on September 4. The charges below reflect the regime that was in force during the closure.
The longer-term picture is contested. Iran frames any future charges as “fees for services,” a distinction that matters under international law: UNCLOS bars tolls on transit passage through an international strait but permits charges for specific services actually rendered (such as traffic management or pilotage). The US and Gulf states oppose charges in either form. What Iran does now that the 60-day window has closed is unresolved. Iran’s lead negotiator, Ghalibaf, has said the strait will not return to pre-war conditions and that Iran intends to charge “fees for services” now that the deal’s 60-day toll-free window has expired. A parallel Omani proposal to formalize navigational fees, drafted with UN IMO involvement and under study by France and Britain, is now the main vehicle for that dispute; the US opposes any Iranian-controlled charging regime. In a brief reversal, Washington itself floated a 20 percent Hormuz transit fee in mid-July before dropping the idea in favor of Gulf investment deals, as reported; its objection remains to a fee controlled by Iran, not to a charge in principle. On July 28 Oman put a fuller version of its plan to Tehran: joint regional management of the strait funded by voluntary user contributions on the model of the Strait of Malacca, leaving Iran without sole control. Iran rejected it, so the charging question is unsettled again. A US official has separately said any deal ending the war would carry no fees or tolls for passage at all, though that account rests on one unnamed source.
How much Iran was charging.
Reporting from the closure period puts the charge at roughly $1 million to $2 million per vessel, per voyage, with the exact figure scaled to the size of the ship, the type of cargo, and the volume carried. A fully laden crude tanker sat at the top of that range; smaller vessels paid less. The Persian Gulf Strait Authority was established around May 5–6, 2026, and the per-vessel fee mechanism rolled out in mid-May 2026.
In the economics of a single large-tanker voyage the fee is real but not, on its own, decisive. It lands on top of war-risk insurance that trade press already places as high as $10 million per Hormuz transit. The fee and the premium together are what an operator weighs against the alternative of not going at all.
Who collects it.
The mechanism was run by a body established in early May 2026, the Persian Gulf Strait Authority (PGSA). Vessels seeking passage applied in advance, disclosing ownership, insurance, crew manifest, and cargo, and were issued a permit only once vetted and scheduled. In practice that turned transit into a gated, case-by-case approval rather than the open passage the strait offered before the crisis. Iran selectively cleared vessels tied to a small set of states while the bulk of global carriers stayed away.
The United States responded by sanctioning the Iranian entity administering the charges, treating the toll apparatus itself as a target rather than recognizing it as a legitimate fee for service. Under the Islamabad Memorandum, the US naval blockade ends alongside the toll suspension, though the underlying sanctions posture toward the PGSA has not been publicly addressed. On July 7, 2026, following Iranian attacks on commercial ships in the strait, the US reimposed the oil sanctions it had lifted under the deal.
Tolls, or “navigational services”?
Iran is careful with the word. Its foreign ministry has said plainly that it does not charge tolls, while adding that “services will be provided” that “require charging fees.” The distinction is not just rhetoric. Under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, ships enjoy a right of transit passage through international straits used for navigation, and a coastal state may not levy a charge purely for that passage. It may, however, recover the cost of specific services it actually renders, such as traffic management, escort, or pilotage. Framing the payments as fees for navigational services is Iran’s attempt to keep the scheme on the lawful side of that line. Most maritime lawyers and the affected governments read it the other way: a toll on passage, dressed as a service.
Is paying cheaper than rerouting?
For many cargoes, yes, which is the uncomfortable logic that makes the scheme work. Diverting a tanker around the Cape of Good Hope adds roughly two weeks each way, burning fuel, tying up the vessel, and pushing back delivery. For a single voyage that detour can cost well into seven figures once charter time and bunkers are counted, in the same order of magnitude as the fee plus the war-risk premium. When the buyer has no flexibility on timing, paying Iran to cross can pencil out as the cheaper option. That is precisely why a fee regime, rather than a hard blockade, can extract revenue: it sets a price just below the cost of the next-best route. The full reroute math sits on our Cape of Good Hope page.
What it earns Iran.
Even at sharply reduced traffic, the arithmetic is large. Public estimates put potential collections at up to $3 billion a year at current depressed volumes, rising toward $8 billion if traffic were to return to the pre-conflict JMIC average of roughly 138 merchant vessels a day (all transits, both directions; the IMF PortWatch commercial baseline this site tracks counts ~73/day). Those are projections, not booked revenue, and they assumed operators would keep paying rather than abandoning the route. They also explain why the fee was a central bargaining chip in the US–Iran talks: a durable revenue stream Iran would give up in any deal that fully reopened the strait. The Islamabad Memorandum suspended collection for 60 days; whether Iran can reinstate any form of the regime after that window depends on how the broader settlement holds.
What the fee signaled.
A transit fee was not a reopening. It was the price of a controlled, partial flow: enough vessels cleared to generate revenue and project normalcy, far too few to count as open commercial traffic. The Islamabad Memorandum changed the frame: the 60-day toll-free window was a genuine suspension of the fee regime, not a fee-paying trickle dressed as normalcy. But with the ceasefire frayed and the strait contested again, that has not translated into a return to open commercial traffic; it now depends on the hostilities stopping for good and carriers re-entering. Follow the live throughput, carrier posture, and war-risk multiple on the live tracker. Whether the strait is genuinely open right now is answered, with the live indicators, on our status page.
Caveats on the figures.
Iran did not publish a fee schedule. The numbers here are an editorial reading of trade-press and wire reporting from the closure period. Per-vessel charges were negotiated and varied by ship and cargo; revenue figures are analysts’ projections, not audited receipts. The Islamabad Memorandum suspended collection for 60 days, so figures in the active-toll sections above reflect the pre-deal regime. Treat every figure as “as reported, closure period through June 17, 2026,” and check the linked sources for the current state. If you have better primary documentation, send a correction.
Sources & further reading
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